Complementizer Agreement in Jordanian Arabic is Agree-based: Evidence from Fronted Objects

Abstract

is study provides supporting evidence from fronted objects that complementizer agreement (CA) in Jordanian Arabic (JA) is the result of the operation Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001). The study demonstrates that CA with the local subject in JA can be disrupted only by an active intervening potential goal such as a clitic-left dislocated object as opposed to an inactive focus-fronted object, contra Chomsky’s (2000) Defective Intervener Constraint. The study also shows that C⁰ and T⁰ may agree with different goals in JA, suggesting that there is no Φ-feature dependency between C⁰ and T⁰.